Ilana Mercer, March 19, 2003

Patrick J. Buchanan issued a passionate “J’accuse” against the neoconservative “cabal” in the Bush team. His persuasive polemic in The American Conservative identified the clique as consisting of Jews whose loyalties lie first with Israel and Ariel Sharon. He charges that they have taken over the White House with the intention of launching “a series of wars that are not in America’s interests,” and “would be a tragedy and a disaster for this republic,” but which would be of infinite benefit to Israel. 


I don’t blame Buchanan for being frazzled and hence less than logical. Buchanan is one of the few American patriots left among the “nattering nabobs.” He is a thorn in the side of the swarm of “neoconservatives and their pseudo-conservative allies—Messers Limbaugh, O’Reilly,” and Savage—with whom Buchanan is forced to joust. In his latest offering in Chronicles, paleoconservative Thomas Fleming captures the essence of these gabbing gorgons:


“Their patriotism is on par with their moral conscience… They want our boys and girls to die for their political schemes.” [Although you will seldom find an invertebrate neoconservative in combat.] “They are always in favor of bombing, embargoing, and boycotting anyone they disagree with. The fact that as many as half a million Iraqi children have died as a direct result of the embargo on Iraq that they support is all the fault of Saddam Hussein.”


Buchanan is up against yahoos whose lax morals and boundless ignorance about “the world outside their petty urban hells” is matched only by their deadpan lack of charm. In his opposition to this war, Buchanan might over-emphasize American national interests to the exclusion of “Just War” principles. But his steadfast “to hell with empire” isolationism bespeaks a respect for the sovereignty of nation-states, and for the founders’ long-lost republic, which prohibits the Pax Americana project and the attendant unparalleled American adventurism currently underway.


I don’t blame Buchanan for being righteously furious with neoconservatives and their vulgar front men and women. He, however, is seeing causal connections where none exist. What makes Jewish misguidedness more pronounced than gentile misconception is that Jews seem to rise to the top in many fields and professions, politics included. That there are many Jews in neoconservative seats of power is dismaying, but it’s of no particular significance, other than to reflect Jewish upward mobility. 


Similarly, Jews are overrepresented in anti-war circles, among whom are George Soros, Robert Reich, Todd Gitlin, and Michael Lerner, to name but a few. The late Senator Paul Wellstone of Minnesota was—and Carl Levin of Michigan is—an outspoken Jewish anti-war politician. And Jewish members of Congress and the Senate were well represented in voting No on the War Resolution authorizing the President to undertake a unilateral preemptive war against Iraq. Commentary is indeed the Jewish neocon megaphone, but then there are Jewish magazines like Tikkun and Forward; they adopt an anti-war stance.

The Jewish neoconservatives in and close to the administration—Paul Wolfowitz, Richard Perle, Douglas Feith, David Wurmser, and Elliot Abrams—are more than matched in ideological fervor and influence by their gentile counterparts: Donald Rumsfeld, Colin Powell, John Ashcroft, Andrew Card, Dick Cheney, George W. Bush, Karl Rove, John Bolton, James Woolsey, and Condoleezza Rice.


Why Buchanan finds the king’s Jewish neocon advisors more sinister than his gentile neocon conferees is unclear. I suspect that, being a Republican at heart, Buchanan would rather not blame his party and president for their treacherous—but chosen—direction. I suspect it’s easier to believe candidate Bush didn’t lie when he promised to adopt a humble foreign policy, but, rather, was mesmerized by Jewish mambas.

The truth is harder to swallow.


Nonetheless, and for what it’s worth at this late stage, this administration came to power with a well-formulated scheme for a post-Hussein Iraq and much more. By the early summer of 2001, Bush had assembled the neocon team, not the other way round. The plan to go global was in place well before September 11. It can be found in the “Project for the New American Century,” written by a group of prominent global interventionists now in—or close—to the administration, and issued in September 2000. Bush began to plan for global pre-eminence as soon as he was crowned.


The blueprint for empire is way bigger than any petty plot to protect Israeli interests. If anything, Israel will also become the object of subjugation in the eventual scheme of things. The U.S., not Israel, has a military presence in roughly 130 nations. The Project delineates how, in the quest to straddle the globe like a colossus, the U.S. would secure a much larger military presence across the world. To this end, establishing a precedent for acting unilaterally is also a revealing feature of the report.  


Neoconservatives have a vision that lends itself to—and blesses—power-hungry, messianic mania. Bush was not snookered into this by a Jewish coterie. Bush’s romp with neoconservatives began with his quest to be the king of the world. Buchanan’s slide into extenuation is forgivable, but he needs to face reality: King George is wicked in his own right.



March 19, 2003

CATEGORIES: Israel, Jews & Judaism, Neoconservatism, Paleoconservatism

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