Michelle Obama will travel to South Africa later this month. The First Lady's trip coincides with the release of my new book, "Into the Cannibal's Pot: Lessons For America From Post-Apartheid South Africa."
And not a moment too soon. (Read the Preface
on VDARE.COM.) "Into The Cannibal's Pot" will dispel any myths Michelle Obama is likely to help perpetuate about this writer's former homeland.
So why is this book so very crucial at this juncture in our history? Simply this: It is essential that we curb the naïve enthusiasm among American elites, and those they've gulled, for radical, imposed, top-down transformations of relatively stable, if imperfect, societies, including their own. As the example of South Africa demonstrates, a highly developed Western society can be dismantled with relative ease.
In South Africa, this deconstruction has come about in the wake of an almost overnight shift in the majority/minority power structure. In the U.S., a slower, more incremental, but equally detrimental, transformation is underway.
Americans, moreover, should know what I divulge in Chapter 7 ("The Anglo-American-Australian Axis Of Evil"): Washington and Westminster bear considerable responsibility for the "swelling social disorder" in South Africa, having insisted that South Africa pass into the hands of a voracious majority. Unwise South African leaders acquiesced. Federalism was discounted. Minority rights for the Afrikaner, Anglo and Zulu were dismissed. Ironically, America's founding fathers had attempted to forestall pure democracy by devising a republic. Yet under the wing of the American eagle a dispensation was negotiated in South Africa, the consequence of which is the raw, ripe rule of the mob and its dominant, anointed party.
The time is thus historically ripe to challenge some of the central tenets of a liberal democratic ideology that would bring about the disaster that is post-Apartheid South Africa.Incredibly, the country was scorned by the West and treated as Saddam Hussein was, with boycotts and sanctions when it was governed by a racist white minority. Now that a racist, black-majority government controls the country; that it is as violent as Iraq, Liberia, or the Congo and rapidly becoming another Islamist-friendly, failed African state, it is the toast of the West.
Indeed, world leaders and the liberal lickspittle media seldom speak of the embarrassment that is the democratic South Africa—the crumbling infrastructure of this once First-World country, and the out-of-control crime. Rocker Bono certainly isn't moved to tears over the (seemingly) systematic extermination of the Afrikaner farmers of South Africa. The cultural cognoscenti
in the US are equally silent about the New South Africa's unparalleled, radical, race-based wealth-distribution policies.
As "Into the Cannibal's Pot"
demonstrates, South Africa's democratically elected African leaders are even more committed than their political predecessors—apartheid-era Afrikaners—to restructuring society around race. With one distinction:
More people are murdered in one week
under African rule than died under the detention of the Afrikaner government over the course of roughly four decades.
Americans, who take for granted their domestic tranquility, can't afford to finesse the fate of the dying Christian civilization at the tip of Africa. "Into The Cannibal's Pot" compels them to stare into "The Heart of Darkness" that is the New South Africa, and by so doing, offers a cautionary tale: In their unqualified paeans to the will of the majority everywhere, Americans must understand that universal suffrage is not to be conflated with freedom.
As the democratic South Africa (and Iraq) amply demonstrates, political rights don't secure the natural rights to life, liberty, property, and the pursuit of happiness; ink-stained fingers don't inoculate against blood stains. Extant societal structures that safeguard life and property can always be improved upon. But once these bulwarks against mob rule and mayhem disintegrate, they are seldom restored. A civilized society, ultimately, is one in which the individual can go about the business of life unmolested. If he can't do that simple thing, of what value is the vote?
The Apartheid-era, traditionally Western legal institutions, however flawed, were preferable to the Rambo Nation's "rehabilitated" institutions, riven as they are by tribal feuds, fetishes, and factional loyalties. America's intellectual "Idiocracy"—the president and the "Untamed Ids"
of the media, liberal, libertarian, and conservative—are egging on revolution in the Middle East. Post-apartheid South Africa should serve to remind this retinue of romantics that stable societies, however imperfect, are fragile. They can, and will, crumble in culturally inhospitable climes.
For better or for worse, societies are built slowly from the soil up, not from the sky down. And by people, not by political decree. Our unhappy trek through the wreck of the New South Africa begins with the facts, nothing but the facts.
The realities of crime-riddled democratic South Africa are relayed in Chapter 1: "Crime, the Beloved Country." The title parodies Alan Paton's poignant tale titled "Cry, the Beloved Country." That story was to apartheid South Africa what Harriet Beecher Stowe's "Uncle Tom's Cabin" was to antebellum America.
Chapter 2, "The Kulaks of South Africa Vs. The Xhosa Nostra," provides a brief, action-packed, history of Boer, Briton and Bantu, before moving on to the ethnocide the FLOTUS won't mention: Afrikaner farmers are being culled like springbok in a hunting safari.
Chapter 3, "Dispossession is Nine-Tenths of the Law," explores the legal attack on property known as Black Economic Empowerment (BEE). The upshot of such a coercive transfer of private wealth from those who create it to those who consume it is that societal institutions—state and civil—are being hollowed out like husks. Parallels are drawn to American state-enforced "racial favoritism ('affirmative action')."
Chapter 4, "Mandela, Mbeki, And Mugabe Sitting In A Baobab Tree K-I-S-S-I-N-G," analyzes the significance of the unqualified support Jacob Zuma's predecessors, Mandela and Mbeki, have lent the Zimbabwean dictator Robert Mugabe over the decades. "If you want to see the future of South Africa, it might not be a bad idea to look at the present in Zimbabwe."
The Old South Africa had been governed by Puritans. But as Christianity receded in influence after the 1994 transition, the void left has been filled by Islam. The unintended consequences of bringing the Old South Africa to its political knees, to the detriment of American interests, are covered in Chapter 6, "Why Do WASP Societies Wither?"
America, a humane society, ought to take pity on the persecuted descendants of another Protestant patriarchy. However, even if American immigration policy welcomed South African WASPs, which it doesn't, Afrikaners, in particular, would find it hard to leave, for they are as African as black South Africans. Secession—as American as apple pie—is one of the escape routes suggested in the Conclusion, "Saving South Africans S.O.S."
South Africa is a microcosm of what America could become, unless it returns to the principles that made it great. If American institutions continue to subordinate their raison d'être
to politically dictated egalitarianism, reclaiming them from the deforming clutches of state-enforced tribalism will become harder and harder.
In the interstices of this polemic,
the reader will find my story and the story of those I love and had to leave behind. Above all, this tome is a labor of love to my homelands, old and new.©2011 By ILANA MERCERWorldNetDaily.com June 10