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Canada's Prime
Minister Jean Chretien's latest threat to punish provinces that allow private
health care clinics to charge fees for medically necessary procedures is a
reminder why regionalism and secession are so vital to our freedoms. In his
response, unfortunately, Gilles Duceppe failed to put the remote dictator who
manages our personal and local affairs on notice. Duceppe, leader of the Bloc
Quebecois and the torchbearer for secession in Canada, chorused about the
federal government's cuts to the health care monopoly, but failed to remind the
PM to butt out of provincial affairs.
As Clyde N. Wilson
writes in Secession: The Last, Best Bulwark of Our Freedoms,
"Federalism is not when the central government graciously allows states to
do this or that; that is just another form of administration. True federalism is
when the people of the states set limits to the central government."
Imperfect as they are in defending provincial autonomy, Gilles Duceppe and his
Bloc Quebecois and to a lesser degree Canada's centrally co-opted provinces, are
all we have to countervail the federal government.
The political thought
that prevails in the US, Canada and other Western democracies is aimed at
legitimizing the modern, centralized nation-state. With exceptions, the general
consensus among jurists is that unless subject to persecution, people must "achieve self-determination within the
framework of their existing state," to quote the Supreme Court of Canada.
The analogy may be a
tad strained, but as I see it, secession is the political complement of the
right of free association. I may freely choose with whom to associate. Why then
must my right to dissociate be predicated on some or another violation against
me? Even if my actions are based on pure whim, I have the right to terminate an
association whenever I desire (so long as I fulfill any contractual obligations
I may have incurred, naturally).
Similarly, if it
detests the central government, an entirely understandable sentiment, then
Quebec should be granted an unconditional "political divorce" sans
alimony, of course. As Mises Institute scholar David Gordon points out, to hold
a purely functional view of government--where it secures individual rights, and
nothing more--means that we ought to be able to dissociate from it without song
and dance, much like we would from any other hired help.
In stipulating how
the question of constitutional change in Quebec can be settled, the Supreme
Court advances the puzzling "clear majority on a clear question"
notion. This would imply, for instance, that 60 percent majority in favor of
secession is somehow more equitable than a majority of 51 percent.
With reference to
these ratios, what makes it fair to coerce the "no" vote into
accepting secession when it forms 40 percent of the voters, but not 49 percent?
The fact that fewer people are forced to comply with the majority, doesn't
change the act of coercion, a point that leads back to the essence of secession.
In Secession,
State & Liberty, Gordon further ventures that "secession arises
from individual rights". The right to withdraw is defendable on the basis
of individual--not group--rights. Therefore, should a group wish to secede, it
can't resort to mob or democratic tactic, and force individuals or minorities
within it to comply with majority rule. The implications for Quebec are clear.
It needn't await an "enhanced majority" to secede. But when it does,
it must not compel naysayers to join. Extending this principle, should every
individual have the right to secede from government? Logistical difficulties
aside, you bet.
The Bloc articulates
well Quebecers' aspirations for cultural independence. Its social-democratic
platform, however,---every bit as centralized and statist as that of the
Grits---detracts from its power as a force for local sovereignty.
Persist as it does in
justifying a centrally planned and overregulated economy, the Bloc's economic
policies signal that it will encourage in Quebecers the same pathological
dependence they now have on the federal government. Needless to say, it would be
economically ruinous, if, following secession, Quebec clung to trade barriers
such as tariffs and other forms of protectionism.
Sovereignists must be
commended for rejecting the intrusion of the central bureaucracy into affairs
that should be exclusive provincial purview. They must be condemned for seeking
to consolidate as much power as possible internally. What makes the federal
government so intrusive is its size. Government size and overreach are
inseparable.
By mimicking this,
all the Bloc will have achieved at the end of the day is to replace for
Quebecers one empire with another, closer to home. Still, let's hope Quebec
prevails and leads the way with a "local Renaissance". Quebec is all
we've got.
ã2000 By Ilana Mercer
The Calgary Herald
November 16
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