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In
a much missed series of columns for the Ludwig von Mises Institute,
Professor Walter Block had mused about the hijacking of honest English
words by "the forces of socialism, statism…and political
correctness," rendering them unfit for use by those outside this
camp. Third Way leaders in particular like Gerhard Schroeder, Tony
Blair, and Jean Chretien, can always be counted on for perverted prolix,
not least of which is to insist that everything associated with their
policies is "progressive." Vigilance about co-opted semantics
is vital considering that language mediates thoughts, actions, and hence
public debate and policy.
An
especially nasty misnomer is "progressive taxation". I'm aware
it denotes not progressivity in the sense of forward and onward moving,
but rather a scheme in the spirit of the communist credo, "from
each according to his ability, to each according to their need."
The more you earn the more you forfeit. But progressives piggyback on
the double entendre of this combo. "Progressive taxation" has
a benevolent connotation. It sounds like a good thing.
It
masks that in as much as taxation—any taxation—is a confiscation of
the property of citizens through force and without consent, it is
criminal. In as much as it advocates taking from some more than from
others, and thus fails to treat individuals equally under the law,
"progressive taxation" is criminally inequitable. In as much
as it penalizes the most productive members of society, placing
disincentives in their path, and preventing them from creating wealth,
"progressive taxation" is plainly asinine.
To
enter the moral penumbra of government is to inhabit the world of a
bandit who is above the criminal law. To this habitual—and legally
immune—burglar, the superiority of a "progressive tax" scheme
is more than apparent. If the object is to cram the get-away car to its
fullest capacity, then, sure: hit on the mansion; don't shake down the
shack. If the object is to sustain power through appeasing the majority,
then, as George Bernard Shaw put it, "a government which robs Peter
to pay Paul can always depend on the support of Paul."
While
I am on botched locution, how does "redistributive justice"
grab you? If ever there was a contradiction in terms this is it. How do
you distribute justly that which has been seized unjustly? And to whom
is left the definition of just—to those who steal? Perhaps, you may
posit, we ought to look beyond the immoral act of "legalized
plunder." Perhaps robbing Peter to pay Paul is a noble end if Paul
is in dire need. If this "band of brigands" called government
fulfills a duty of beneficence, you say, let's turn a blind eye to the
path of political predation it travels.
On
purely utilitarian grounds, I'm afraid, we come up empty handed. When a
private charity like the Salvation Army collects for the poor, almost
all of its funds reach their target. However, little of the wealth
appropriated by the Welfare State actually reaches the needy, going
instead towards the funding of a metastasizing bureaucracy. The typical
Western social democracy now spends on the federal, state, and local
levels, approximately 50 percent of the national income. Most of the
booty is given over to the administration of services that perpetuate
the very problems they are purported to ameliorate.
Indeed,
for an entity that impoverishes in its own right, the "Welfare
State" is curiously named. It does not promote the well being of
its inhabitants. The opposite is true: its policies are to their
detriment. Consider a form of price control such as minimum wage laws.
These create poverty by creating unemployment among the poor and
unskilled. Fixing the price of labor above the market rate or the
productivity of the employee as the minimum wage does causes surpluses
of labor. The jobs would exist had government not legislated them out of
the reach of those who need them.
When
it turns to control prices of electricity, medical services, and housing
units, as in the case of rent control, the State sets prices below
market value, causing rampant overuse. Without fail, endemic shortages
and a scarcity of the resource ensue. Witness New York where there are
apparently as many boarded up buildings as there are homeless.
Government has, very plainly, reduced incentives to supply low cost
rental housing.
With
its tariffs, quotas and international and interprovincial barriers to
trade, the Welfare State weighs on the average consumer, filching his
money and handing it over to protected industries and sectional
interests. It also further pauperizes undeveloped nations by denying
them their comparative advantage in our markets. And I have yet to touch
on the fact that by vetoing our choice of who we patronize with our
trade, the above interventions violate the constitutional right to
freedom of association. Clearly, not only does it fail to do what it
purports to do, the Welfare State is antithetical to all but the
wellbeing of bureaucrats and politicians.
"Liberal"
is another word that has been junked. Having originally denoted the
classical liberalism of the eighteenth and early nineteenth century, to
be a liberal now is to be a social democrat. Perhaps the largest
counterfeit perpetrated by the crypto-socialistic, cum-fascistic liberal
is to have transformed the meaning of rights. A liberal in the classical
sense would reject the laundry list of rights that forms the bedrock of
the contemporary social democracy. He would recognize only the right of
a limited government to prevent the violation of life, liberty and
property. People must be protected from being murdered, robbed, raped,
cheated, stolen from. Hence the term "negative rights."
A
positive right, the list of which is still under construction, is
defined by Harvard scholar Richard Pipes as "the right to the
necessities of life at public expense, i.e., the right to something that
was not one's own." Housing, food, education, health care, child
benefits, emotional well being, enriching employment,
ad infinitum, are
positive, and hence bogus rights. A need or a desire is not a human
right.
All
rights create obligations: my right to life means you must not kill me;
my right to liberty means you must not enslave me. Negative rights do
not infringe on another person's rights. My right to be free doesn't
diminish your right to the same liberty. This is why these are genuine
human rights.
Not
so the newly minted positive rights. If I have the right to food,
someone must work to feed me; if I have a right to meaningful
employment, someone must sponsor my dream job. A so-called right that
violates someone else's right to be free of enslavement is no right at
all.
Positive
rights, above all, are a means through which the State can control
people. Recognize the right to a guaranteed income, for instance, and
you also recognize the right of a central planner to enslave some and
garnish the property of others to fulfill this need, while
simultaneously buying votes.
The
bureaucrat knows full-well that for his survival he depends on the
surplus wealth created by individuals. Without it, he would
self-destruct much like the parasite that kills its host. The mission of
our "progressives" thus might not quite jibe with Karl Marx's
dream of abolishing private property. But a redefinition of property is
certainly on the cards. While redefinition begins with words, reclaiming
lost linguistic territory will not turn the tide. Where freedom is at
stake, only a change of mind will do.
©2001 By Ilana Mercer
The
Ludwig von Mises Institute
August
8
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