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Remember the joke that circulated around
the time the Iraqis, or rather their American sponsors, were writing
their constitution? Someone smart suggested we give them ours, since we
don’t use it that often. Evidently the Iraqis don’t have much use for
their brand new, American-style constitution either.
I’m not speaking of the vulgar cellphone images circulating on the
Internet, in which a stoic Saddam, noose about his neck, is heckled by a
hooded Shiite executioner. As repugnant as it was, the hasty hanging was
far less offensive—and certainly not illegal—than the legal proceedings
that preceded it.
Saddam’s trial did not even qualify as a show trial. Justice coming out
of terror-riddled Iraq better resembles the Reign of Terror during the
French Revolution (or Mike Nifong’s in Durham County). Masquerading as a
court of law, the Iraqi, US-sponsored, Tribunal is more like the French
Revolutionary Assembly, meting justice by popular demand.
The Iraqis have something that resembles the Sixth Amendment. As the Law
Library of Congress
states on its website, “Article 19 of Iraqi Law Number 10 of 2005
sets out the rights of the accused.” However, Saddam Hussein enjoyed a
“speedy and public trial,” only if being brought to trial two years
after capture is speedy.
The trial was public only in the sense that we knew it was underway. At
the time, Paula Zahn was too busy reporting on her latest colonoscopy to
dispatch a legal analyst to publicize the proceedings. For different
reasons, Zahn’s cable cohort had confined their coverage to badmouthing
former Attorney General Ramsey Clark. In the spirit of true American
justice, Clark had volunteered to provide due process for the despot.
But to the TV titmice, merely being on Saddam’s dwindling defense
team—attorneys were being eliminated like crazy—was the same as
“supporting” him.
Under Iraqi law, modeled upon ours, the accused had the right “to be
immediately informed of the substance, details, nature and reasons of
the charges,” as was he “to be given time and assistance sufficient to
permit him to prepare a defense.” But Saddam was formally charged
scandalously late in the day. In fact, Hussein’s surviving attorneys had
to request time to study the charges against their client during
the trial.
Iraqi Article 19 enunciates the right of the accused to confront the
witnesses against him. Would that the Iraqis on the stand were merely
swaddled in traditional garb. Those not too frightened to testify were
hidden behind screens, out of the defense’s reach, their voices
modulated.
Prior to Bush’s invasion of Iraq, I didn’t give a tinker’s toss what
Iraqis did with Saddam. He was their baggage. It’s a different matter
now that the burlesque of justice he received is branded
“made-in-America”; it’s a Mark of Cain on us all.
As to the execution, Americans might not have called out, “Dead man
walking,” but our officials promptly handed Hussein over to the Iraqis
at an execution bloc in the Kadhimiya district of northern Baghdad.
However, once the execution turned out not to be a political box-office
success, American officials began twisting into pretzels to demonstrate
they tried to forestall it. The same officials now claim they attempted
to alert the Iraqis to the fact that the execution contravened clauses
in their own constitution.
In particular, the belated, alleged concern was over the flouting of “a
constitutional provision requiring Iraq’s three-man presidency council
to affirm all executions before they are carried out,” reports John
Burns of the Times. The other two council members—one of whom was Jalal
Talabani, an opponent of the death penalty—would have likely declined to
sign the order. Alas, as our “unnamed officials” tell it, Prime Minister
Nuri Kamal al-Maliki refused to postpone the execution.
Methinks someone protests too much, and it’s not the Iraqis. Why should
they? True, Saddam was denied due process. But his disadvantaged lawyers
had exhausted the appeal process and his sentence complied with Article
27 of Iraqi Law Number 10 of 2005. It states that, “No authority,
including the President of the Republic, has the right to grant clemency
or reduce the sentence pronounced by the Tribunal. Any such sentences
should be carried out within thirty days from the date the appellate
process has been exhausted.” Protestations aside, American officials
must have known this.
Here’s what’s probably afoot: Saddam was executed after his first
criminal trial, the al-Dujail case, which was relatively insubstantial.
Future prosecution was planned. This would have exposed Hussein’s use of
poison gas against the Iranians; chemical weapons on Halabjah, possible
genocide against the Marsh and Shi’a Arabs of southern Iraq, as well as
against Iraqi Kurds in northern Iraq. Such prosecution would have
provided an important historical record for Iraqis.
And for Americans. Cluster bombs, missile components, chemical and
biological precursors, pesticides and poisonous compounds, deadly
biological viruses, such as anthrax and bubonic plague, intelligence,
and billions of dollars of credit—you name them, we supplied them to
Saddam. Future trials would have recorded for posterity how the US
succored Saddam at his most monstrous. Hence the hasty hanging.
© 2007 By Ilana Mercer
WorldNetDaily.com
January 5
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