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In May this year, the
British Columbian Human Rights Advisory Council handed its interim report to
members of the Legislative Assembly. In the report the Council urged members of
the legislator to expand the Human Rights Code to include new grounds for
protection. The Advisory Council is an arm of the tripartite Human Rights
organization, which also consists of the Human Rights Commission and the Human
Rights Tribunal. A bureaucratic mouthful, I know, but bear with me. Here is the
broad and short of it: the Human Rights Commission decides who is in need of
protected-species designation. The quasi-judicial Tribunal then acts on these
definitions in the substance of its decisions. And the Advisory Council? I
honestly can't tell you. Its work clearly entails more than a bit of duplication
and overlap. Why, the Council's May report is almost a carbon copy of the
Commission's 1998 report entitled "Human Rights for the Next
Millennium".
That one arm of the
structure serves as an ideological echo chamber to the other is no surprise. It
does become a little annoying considering the Council is supposed to be more
responsive to the community and its needs, than to its apparatchiks. But never
mind the bureaucratic machinery, more compelling is the recommendation to
include in the Code protection against discrimination on the basis of
"social conditions". At present, the Code protects against
discrimination on the grounds of race, color, ancestry, place of origin,
religion, marital status, family status, physical or mental disability, sex,
sexual orientation and age.
What does
"social conditions" mean? It means that those who receive social
assistance, as well as single women and single mothers, will enjoy protection
under the Code. Ideally, the Commission would prefer an even broader protection
for the poor so as to prevent discrimination against a person based on his
standing in society "as determined by his/her occupation, income or
education level or family background". Does this mean that a complaint
might be lodged against me if I refuse to lease an apartment to someone with bad
credit? Am I not rejecting him on the basis of his "income," or lack
of it? You get the picture: we are looking to create a formidable expanse of
potential grievance.
Should this impetus
fall short of government approval then the Commission will settle for the
narrower grounds of "lawful source of income." This means that no
discrimination in "accommodation, service, facility, purchase of property,
and employment," can be levied at the recipient of welfare monies, or at
the recipient of any "legal non-wage incomes." In the likelihood the
legislature fails to approve this change, the Commission will allow that
protection against discrimination based on "lawful source of income"
be confined to tenancy alone. Does this, by any chance, overlap with other
legislation? You bet: By the Commission's own admission, Section 81 of the
residential Tenancy Act already covers theses grounds. What's the point then?
It's hard to tell.
Let us examine the
kind of transactions the changes to the Code could catch. Could this quest for
social equality and economic security force retailers to lower prices because
these discriminate against those who can't afford the merchandise? It might
become an offense for a landlord to refuse to lease an abode to someone who
can't pay the rent. Could banks be forced to loan money to the indigent with no
expectation of a return? After all, denying and indigent person a bank loan is
discriminating against the person on the basis of income. And where in all this
is the right of a property or franchise owner to make decisions that safeguard
his or her acquisitions? If you think these scenarios are absurd, think again:
The Human Rights Tribunal has hitherto heard some outlandish cases.
The real question is
the continual expansion of the definition of human rights. Increasingly social
conditions like poverty and the shortage of affordable housing are cast as human
rights infractions. The human rights foot soldiers invariably bolster this claim
by invoking Canada's obligations as a signatory to the various UN covenants. A
UN covenant like the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural
Rights, maintains that "freely chosen" desirable work is a human
right. Adequate "rest and leisure" is also tucked in somewhere in that
Covenant as a right.
If human rights
legislation continues to hark to such covenants there is no reason why someone
who hasn't had a vacation, or has not reached his career apogee could not launch
a complaint. Such an expansive view of human rights not only belittles true
depredation and suffering but promises to turn every human need into an
inalienable right and any unfulfilled need into a violation of human rights.
Unmentioned as always are the rights of those who are roped by force into paying
for these bogus rights.
In April, federal
justice minister Anne McLellan launched a review headed by former Supreme Court
Judge Gerard LaForest, that will examine the inclusion in the federal Human
Rights Act of a person's "social conditions" as grounds for a human
rights complaint. If the federal Act extends protection against discrimination
on the grounds of social conditions, B.C. is likely to follow suit. The result
will lead both to the trammeling of property rights and the freedom to contract
at will. We would do well to remember that, like equality before the law, so too
do the institutions of private property and freedom of contract form the
foundation of a free society.
©1999 By Ilana
Mercer
The Canadian
Conservative Forum
Requested essay
August 17
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